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Balcans: Casualty or rape of consciousness?

Written by Panagiotis Karkatsoulis on .

Tito

Translated by Sevi Charalampopoulou

The title “Europeans fear of resurgence of the Balkan madhouse” of an article published last week on a popular newspaper shows better that anything else the extent and the complication of a problem: Not of course that of the “perversion” of the Balkan states and people, as the information “dealer” would like, but that of the effects of a policy of the “divide and conquer” type in a European area. This policy was and is still exercised by the “great powers”, as the countries/organizations that can exercise an expansive policy are each time defined. Consistently, the interventionist policy of the mighty ones takes advantage of the ethnic and religious differences, which are still irreconcilable. The excuse of the inter- (-vention)/(-ference) is timelessly their settlement. The problems arising from these differences however, not only are not settled, as the great powers argue, but after they are kept in a situation of suppression, they are on their rise again in periods like the one we are going through right now. This rise is usually attributed to extremists, nationalist circles etc. The fact that these “extremists” have coincidentally been bred and supported in any way by the powers that are now worried, is artfully being silenced.

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Gallup 2013: Εμπιστοσύνη στο σύστημα απονομής δικαιοσύνης και τα δικαστήρια

Written by Έφη Λαμπροπούλου on .

There are no translations available.

gallupΗ Εταιρεία Gallupδημοσίευσε στις 22 Οκτωβρίου 2014  τα γενικά αποτελέσματα της έρευνάς της σχετικά με την εμπιστοσύνη των πολιτών από 123 χώρες στη δικαιοσύνη. Τα αποτελέσματα βασίζονται σε τηλεφωνικές και πρόσωπο-με-πρόσωπο συνεντεύξεις με περίπου 1.000 άτομα από κάθε χώρα, ηλικίας 15 ετών και άνω. Πραγματοποιήθηκε από το 2008 έως το 2013. Για τα αποτελέσματα με βάση το συνολικό δείγμα το περιθώριο σφάλματος δειγματοληψίας κυμάνθηκε από ± 2.1 έως ± 5,6 ποσοστιαίες μονάδες με επίπεδο εμπιστοσύνης 95%. Είναι ενδιαφέρον ότι η σχετική έρευνα δεν περιέλαβε πολίτες της Κίνας, Ιορδανίας, Συρίας, Αίγυπτου, Λιβύης, Αλγερίας και των χωρών του Συμβουλίου Συνεργασίας του Περσικού Κόλπου «λόγω της πολιτικής ευαισθησίας του ζητήματος αυτού». Σύμφωνα με τα γενικά αποτελέσματα, συνολικά περί το 50% των ατόμων που συμμετείχαν στην έρευνα, εξέφρασαν την εμπιστοσύνη τους στα δικαστικά συστήματα και τα δικαστήρια των χωρών τους. Σε 73 από αυτά τα κράτη, λιγότερο από τους μισούς πολίτες που ρωτήθηκαν έχουν εμπιστοσύνη στο δικαστικό σύστημα της χώρας τους.

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Scotland- Greece: Similarities

Written by Panagiotis Karkatsoulis on .

braveheartTranslated by Sevi Charalampopoulou

What do Scotland and Greece have in common? On the first sight, nothing but the Scottish showers from our lenders to which we are subjected. However, a more profound examination of the facts here and there can bring on the surface interesting similarities. Let’s begin with Scotland: Both the process and the result of the referendum for its independence was read by many with 19th century’s conditions. Those who are persuaded that the “separation/abruption” of Scotland from the United Kingdom would be the greatest evil, celebrate. There is a rise in stock, because Scotland has chosen its adjustment instead of the national independence. Some insiders or outsiders are either enjoying the “victory” or expressing their discontentment with the “defeat”. These were basically the one-way messages that many of us saw in the results. It was finally regarded as important, the fact that Scotland did not acquire a Government of its own which could take decisions without the approval of the Government of the United Kingdom.

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What constitutes evaluation and what doesn’t

Written by Panagiotis Karkatsoulis on .

 15percentTranslated by Sevi Charalampopoulou

1. How can evaluation be defined in the contemporary administrational theory and practice?

According to the administrational discipline and the organization theory, evaluation constitutes an administrational function which has only one purpose: To improve the public organization’s performance in terms of the goals that it has set, which means, to make it more efficient and more economical.

2. Are the structures, the functions and the individuals evaluated on the same way?

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The new National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) sets out for Ithaka

Written by Panagiotis Karkatsoulis on .

ESPA GOTTranslated by Sevi Charalampopoulou

The European financings have for decades been united by a common fate: They must be “absorbed”. The answer to the question “why that?” has always been adjusted to the extent of the governmental propaganda. Through them Greece sometimes “changed” and sometimes became “modernized”. In the meantime many projects were repeated from one CSF to the next, without anybody, but the narrow nucleus of the interests invested on the European financing, being concerned. For example, we still never see the “patient’s file” at hospitals, although it has been issued and put into practice for three consecutive CSPs (Community Support Framework)…

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Types of Communication

Written by Panagiotis Karkatsoulis on .

SpencerBrownTranslated by Sevi Charalampopoulou

Reconsidering what could be so simple and at the same time so complicated for those who have lost the rudimental capacity of forming reasonable suggestions (and core values) and to whom confusion has set aside reason and judgment, I recalled the basic (‘primitive’ as the author himself calls them) principles from a book with the title “Laws of Form” and an author, George Spencer Brown, which have deeply affected me, citing them briefly:

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Διοικητική μεταρρύθμιση: λέξεις που ενώνουν, πολιτικές που διχάζουν, πρακτικές που επιβιώνουν

Written by Πέτρος Κατσιμάρδος on .

There are no translations available.

MultiwayReform1. Διαφορετικές προσεγγίσεις, προσδοκίες και κριτήρια επιτυχίας

Από την έναρξη της κρίσης έως σήμερα, υπάρχει μια διχογνωμία σχετικά με την πρόοδο των μεταρρυθμίσεων στο πεδίο της δημόσιας διοίκησης. Από τη μια, οι διεθνείς οργανισμοί  συχνά πιστοποιούν την πρόοδο, σημειώνοντας  ωστόσο ότι «πολλά ακόμα μένουν να γίνουν»[1].  Από την άλλη,  ορισμένοι φορείς καθώς και μέρος της επιστημονικής κοινότητας διαπιστώνει στασιμότητα ή/και αποτυχία των μεταρρυθμίσεων[2].

 

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“Distinction Directice”: which one for Greece?

Written by Panagiotis Karkatsoulis on .

directriceTranslated by Sevi Charalampopoulou

Going back to the systemic conceptualization of Niklas Luhmann’s “code” we encounter its re-signification, not as a whole of symbols and instructions, but as a “guiding dichotomy”. The “Code” has a dual character which allows us to equate it with the communicative meanings on their whole. For example, the dual code “fair-unfair” allows the comprehension of the interesting for the system of law acts, as does the code “payments-no payments” for the system of finances.

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Politicians’ Feedback and politics

Written by Panagiotis Karkatsoulis on .

diadrasiTranslated by Sevi Charalampopoulou

One more of the Greek paradoxes: Whereas everybody- governors, lenders and observers- highlight that the main problem of the Greek governmental and administrative mechanism is identified on the inapplicability of its (political and reformative) promises, the pressures, priorities and commitments undertaken for the future, are not directed towards its treatment, but towards the right opposite direction: The implementation of the reforms is still perceived as the regulatory mapping of something (in some way) promised. Then, after the “tic” is put on the relevant xls box and the act/ obligation is consummated, the experienced Greek State can start “modifying/ improving” towards the opposite direction. For instance: The income taxation code was modified in twelve months after its enactment on a percentage higher than 50% (41 out of 72 articles). Much worse was the situation for the “independent real estate property tax” law, in which 41 out of 67 articles were modified.

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… και κάτι ακόμη για την αντιπαθή σωφρονιστική πολιτική και τις φυλακές «υψίστης ασφαλείας»

Written by Έφη Λαμπροπούλου on .

There are no translations available.

fylakesΤο υπουργείο Δικαιοσύνης αναδιπλώθηκε και περιόρισε το διάστημα παραμονής στις φυλακές «υψίστης ασφαλείας»,

- για τους καταδικασθέντες για τρομοκρατία και προδοσία της χώρας, από 10 σε πέντε και τελικά σε τέσσερα χρόνια,

- για τους καταδίκους του οργανωμένου εγκλήματος, για όσους δηλαδή εκτίουν ποινές από 10 χρόνια μέχρι ισόβια για συμμετοχή σε εγκληματική οργάνωση και  έχουν διαπράξει ανθρωποκτονίες, επικίνδυνες ληστείες και εκβιασμούς, από πέντε σε τέσσερα και τελικά σε δύο χρόνια,

- και για όσους έχουν διαπράξει βαρύτατα πειθαρχικά αδικήματα μέσα στη φυλακή, δηλ. επιθέσεις σε φύλακες και άλλους κρατουμένους, εξεγέρσεις και στάσεις αλλά και αποδράσεις, από πέντε σε τέσσερα και τελικά σε δύο χρόνια.

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